Amateur and Irresponsible
Here's a measured yet still powerful comment piece on the vote rigging scandal in Falkirk - written for the Guardian by the sitting and former Labour MP, Eric Joyce.
Seems to me that while resisting the understandable temptation to 'settle scores' Eric Joyce makes a number of very valid points - which the Unite union, in particular, would do well to reflect upon instead of attacking the integrity of the Labour Party's investigation.
The important issue to focus on here is how the whole affair is perceived by ordinary trade union members - and the wider voting public.
So if certain behaviour looks decidedly dodgy - or even terrible - it's no good trying to hide behind a very narrowly drawn interpretation of the 'rules' as many MPs tried to do over the MPs' expenses scandal.
Unite in Falkirk: amateur and irresponsible
The behaviour of Unite officials in Falkirk was hubristic, but this battle will determine if Labour can win in 2015
By Eric Joyce
Falkirk has had two memorable battles in its history. Wallace's defeat of Edward I's army in 1298 and the Jacobite success in 1746 each had their own historical significance: Mel Gibson's portrayal of the former in Braveheart has a special place in the modern iconography of Scotland. Now there's a third: the present political battle in Falkirk will determine whether Labour can win the 2015 general election.
Labour's referral today of its internal report into recruitment irregularities to the police has raised the stakes to the highest level. If convictions were to follow, it would have implications for the future of Len McCluskey, the general secretary of Unite, the UK's largest trade union. What lies behind the mess?
First, on a local level, I set off the chain of events last year by behaving atrociously in the House of Commons. My subsequent resignation from the party created a vacuum locally, into which stepped activists who had not had much to do with the party over the years. One, Stephen Deans, chair of Unite in Scotland and a local shop steward, was installed as chair of Falkirk West constituency Labour party (CLP), which covers about 70% of my constituency. In line with wider Unite policy, he immediately began an extensive recruitment campaign at work – Ineos refinery in Grangemouth, and in a local pub, The Broomhill Inn – the aim being to dominate the selection vote for my successor without persuading existing members to support the Unite candidate, Karie Murphy.
Until yesterday Labour party rules permitted trade unions to pay the membership fees for union members who had been paying the union's Labour party levy for over one year. Certainly, many of Deans' new recruits were legitimate in this respect.
It's important to be clear that it's entirely normal for recruitment to go up a little before the "freeze" date set for a selection. Selections get people interested, and are a good time to convert a few Labour supporters to Labour members. Moreover, trade unions have always played a significant part in selections. Many – willing, genuine – members of the Labour party are of course trade unionists.
Over the years, trade unions have used their putative power sensibly. They've understood that party rules create the possibility of serious dysfunction if they choose to overexert their potential muscle. In Falkirk I've found them to be a stabilising influence in partnership with the Labour party. Until now.
However, in this case, the apparent scale of recruitment was worrying local members. Some were approached by people saying they'd received letters from the Labour party, welcoming them as members when they'd never applied. Others found it impossible to find out who the new members were, as the chair would not allow branch secretaries access to their membership list. This made it impossible for new "members" to be invited to meetings. CLP meetings were cancelled at short notice; months went by without any at all.
At around the time this began to emerge, I spoke to Unite's candidate, Murphy. I knew she'd rented a house locally and thought that, with her solid trade union background and the fact she was known to be close to the Unite general secretary, she would be a strong candidate. I advised her, as I did the other candidates, to get into members' living rooms and persuade them of her case. Members always appreciate the effort, even if they don't always vote for you subsequently. She gave me the impression that this might not be necessary.
Shortly afterwards I discovered that the Unite campaign was largely ignoring existing members – the strategy seemed to be to swamp them with new ones, whose membership Unite had paid for. I was made aware of this by local members, and blogged about it. The result of that was a legal letter from Unite, demanding that I take my "slanderous" (truthful) post down and making all sorts of hysterical threats.
Labour party members, whether trade unionists or not, are not that biddable when it comes to selections. Union leaders know their recommendations are just that. With folk signed by their mate in a bar, though – people who've never paid to join and who've had nothing to do with the party – things are different. It's certain that without Ed Miliband's decisive actions in commissioning the report, Unite would have pushed legitimate Labour members out of the way to install what would have been a Unite-first, Labour-second candidate and, quite likely, MP.
Labour has now set a "freeze date" for members' voting rights at the point where I left the party. That means that local members, including many trade unionists, will choose my successor as candidate and, I am sure, MP for Falkirk.
The amateur, hubristic and irresponsible actions of a small number of Unite officials at the top of the organisation will require some rules to be changed to prevent another Falkirk. Unite members will also need to reflect on whether Unite's claim that it is simply encouraging more "working class" MPs is a bogus argument that sits behind a crude attempt to place middle class officials and close friends into jobs: playing the class card is never wise, especially if the sitting MP, council-house born and bred, left school at 16 to become a squaddie.
Len McCluskey has further commented that "middle class" people, such as people who were political researchers, shouldn't be parachuted in. Unite's candidate, Karie Murphy, worked in the office of the MP Tom Watson until she was suspended from the party last week. McCluskey's salary is £122,000.
First, on a local level, I set off the chain of events last year by behaving atrociously in the House of Commons. My subsequent resignation from the party created a vacuum locally, into which stepped activists who had not had much to do with the party over the years. One, Stephen Deans, chair of Unite in Scotland and a local shop steward, was installed as chair of Falkirk West constituency Labour party (CLP), which covers about 70% of my constituency. In line with wider Unite policy, he immediately began an extensive recruitment campaign at work – Ineos refinery in Grangemouth, and in a local pub, The Broomhill Inn – the aim being to dominate the selection vote for my successor without persuading existing members to support the Unite candidate, Karie Murphy.
Until yesterday Labour party rules permitted trade unions to pay the membership fees for union members who had been paying the union's Labour party levy for over one year. Certainly, many of Deans' new recruits were legitimate in this respect.
It's important to be clear that it's entirely normal for recruitment to go up a little before the "freeze" date set for a selection. Selections get people interested, and are a good time to convert a few Labour supporters to Labour members. Moreover, trade unions have always played a significant part in selections. Many – willing, genuine – members of the Labour party are of course trade unionists.
Over the years, trade unions have used their putative power sensibly. They've understood that party rules create the possibility of serious dysfunction if they choose to overexert their potential muscle. In Falkirk I've found them to be a stabilising influence in partnership with the Labour party. Until now.
However, in this case, the apparent scale of recruitment was worrying local members. Some were approached by people saying they'd received letters from the Labour party, welcoming them as members when they'd never applied. Others found it impossible to find out who the new members were, as the chair would not allow branch secretaries access to their membership list. This made it impossible for new "members" to be invited to meetings. CLP meetings were cancelled at short notice; months went by without any at all.
At around the time this began to emerge, I spoke to Unite's candidate, Murphy. I knew she'd rented a house locally and thought that, with her solid trade union background and the fact she was known to be close to the Unite general secretary, she would be a strong candidate. I advised her, as I did the other candidates, to get into members' living rooms and persuade them of her case. Members always appreciate the effort, even if they don't always vote for you subsequently. She gave me the impression that this might not be necessary.
Shortly afterwards I discovered that the Unite campaign was largely ignoring existing members – the strategy seemed to be to swamp them with new ones, whose membership Unite had paid for. I was made aware of this by local members, and blogged about it. The result of that was a legal letter from Unite, demanding that I take my "slanderous" (truthful) post down and making all sorts of hysterical threats.
Labour party members, whether trade unionists or not, are not that biddable when it comes to selections. Union leaders know their recommendations are just that. With folk signed by their mate in a bar, though – people who've never paid to join and who've had nothing to do with the party – things are different. It's certain that without Ed Miliband's decisive actions in commissioning the report, Unite would have pushed legitimate Labour members out of the way to install what would have been a Unite-first, Labour-second candidate and, quite likely, MP.
Labour has now set a "freeze date" for members' voting rights at the point where I left the party. That means that local members, including many trade unionists, will choose my successor as candidate and, I am sure, MP for Falkirk.
The amateur, hubristic and irresponsible actions of a small number of Unite officials at the top of the organisation will require some rules to be changed to prevent another Falkirk. Unite members will also need to reflect on whether Unite's claim that it is simply encouraging more "working class" MPs is a bogus argument that sits behind a crude attempt to place middle class officials and close friends into jobs: playing the class card is never wise, especially if the sitting MP, council-house born and bred, left school at 16 to become a squaddie.
Len McCluskey has further commented that "middle class" people, such as people who were political researchers, shouldn't be parachuted in. Unite's candidate, Karie Murphy, worked in the office of the MP Tom Watson until she was suspended from the party last week. McCluskey's salary is £122,000.
